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Awakening

उद्धयमेव भैरवी

आरएसएस आतंकियों की कारस्तानी!!!

​स्थान -श्रीनगर (कशमीर)

समय – 1965 का युद्ध

शत्रू तेज़ गति से आगे बढ रहे थे । कशमीर को शीघ्र सैन्य मदद चाहिए थी ।

दिल्ली के सेना कार्यालय से श्रीनगर को संदेश प्राप्त हुआ कि किसी भी परिस्थिति में श्रीनगर के हवाई अड्डे पर शत्रु का कब्जा नहीं होना चाहिए । शत्रु नगर को जीत ले, तो भी चलेगा, किन्तु हवाई अड्डा बचना चाहिए । हम हवाई जहाज़ से सेना के दस्ते भेज रहे है ।

”हवाई अड्डे पर सर्वत्र हिम के ढेर लगे हैं । हवाई जहाज़ उतारना अत्यंत कठिन है।” श्रीनगर सें यह प्रतिउतर आया।

“मज़दुर लगाकर तुरन्त हटाइए । चाहे कितनी भी मजदूरी देनी पड़े और इस काम के लिए कितने भी मजदूर लगाने पड़े, व्यवस्था कीजिए।”

“मज़दूर नही मिल रहे हैं । मुसलमान मज़दूरों पर इस समय भरोसा नही किया जा सकता।”

और ऐसे समय में सेना के प्रमुखों को संघ याद आया ।

रात्रि के ग्यारह बजे थे। एक सैन्य जीप संघ-कार्यालय के आगे आकर रूकी । उसमें से एक अधिकारी उतरे।

कार्यालय में प्रमुख स्वंय सेवकों की बैठक चल रही थी।प्रेमनाथ डोगरा व अर्जुन जीं वही बैठे थें।

सेनाधिकारी ने गंभीर स्थिति का संदेश दिया । फिर उसने पूछा- “आप हवाई अड्डे पर लगे हिम के ढेर हटानें का कार्य कर सकेंगे क्या?”

अर्जुन जी ने कहा- “अवश्य! कितने व्यक्ति सहायता के लिए चाहिए।”

‘कम से कम डेढ़ सौ, जिससे तीन-चार घंटों में सारी बरफ हट जाये।”

अर्जुन जी ने कहा – “हम छः सौ स्वयंसेवक देते है।”

“इतनी रात्रि में आप इतने…..?” सैन्य अधिकारी ने आश्चर्य से कहा “आप हमें ले जाने के लिए वाहनों की व्यवस्था कीजिए । ४५ मिनट में हम तैयार है ।”

संघ कि पद्धति का कमाल था कि तय समय पर सभी 600 स्वयंसेवक कार्यालय पर एकत्र होकर साथ साथ चले गये।

दिल्ली को संदेश भेजा गया “बरफ हटाने का काम प्रारंम्भ हो गया है । हवाई जहाज़ कभी भी आने दें।”

“इतनी जल्दी मजदूर मिल गये क्या”

‘हाँ, पर वे मजदूर नही ,सभी राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ के सदस्य हैं।’

रात्रि के डे़ढ बजे वे काम पर लग गये । २७ अक्टुम्बर को प्रातः के समय प्रथम सिख रेजीमेन्ट के ३२९ सैनिक हवाई जहाज से श्रीनगर उतरे और उन्होने बड़े प्रेम से स्वंय सेवको को गले लगाया । फिर क्या था एक के बाद एक ऐसे आठ हवाई जहाज उतरे ।

उन सभी में पर्याप्त मात्रा में शस्त्रास्त्र थे ।  सभी स्वंयसेवकों ने वे सारे शस्त्रास्त्र भी उतार कर ठिकाने पर रख दिये ।

हवाई अड्डा शत्रु के कब्जे में जाने से बच गया । जिसका सामरिक लाभ हमें प्राप्त हुआ ।

हवाई पट्टी चौड़ी करने का कार्य भी तुरन्त करना था, इसलिए विश्राम किये बिना ही स्वंयसेवक काम में जुट गये।

संदर्भ पुस्तक :-  न फूल चढे न दीप जले।

।। *नमस्ते सदा वत्सले मातृभूमे*।।

आपको जानकारी अच्छी लगी हो और R S S  के बारे मे जान के गर्व महसूस हुआ हो; तो इस संदेश को आगे भी भेजे

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संस्कृत भाषा सीखिए!!!

ओ३म् 

त्वं रुष्टः/ रुष्टा असि वा ? = तुम रूठे / रूठी हो क्या ?

भवान् रुष्टः अस्ति वा ? = आप रूठे हुए हैं क्या ? 

भवती रुष्टा अस्ति वा ? = आप रूठी हुई हैं क्या ?

नैव , अहं रुष्टः / रुष्टा नास्मि। = नहीं मैं रूठा / रूठी नहीं हूँ। 

तर्हि त्वं किमर्थं न वदसि ? = तो फिर तुम क्यों नहीं बोल रहे हो / रही हो ?

तर्हि भवान् किमर्थं न वदति ? = तो फिर आप क्यों नहीं बोलते हैं ?

तर्हि भवती किमर्थं न वदति ? = तो फिर आप क्यों नहीं बोलती हैं ?

अस्तु , वदामि = ठीक है , बोलता हूँ ।

भवान् / भवती संस्कृतभाषायां वदतु ।= आप संस्कृत भाषा में बोलिये ।

त्वं संस्कृतभाषायां वद ।= तुम संस्कृत भाषा में बोलो ।

अहं रुष्ट: न भविष्यामि ।= मैं नहीं रूठूँगा / नहीं रूठूँगी ।

साभार अखिलेश आचार्य

No one Speaks or Writes about him

Every Indian historian knows about Price Stephen III of Moldavia, but no one speaks or writes about him.

Stephen III, who ruled Moldavia from 1457 until his death and is known as “Stephen the Great and Holy”. If you’re into that sort of thing, he is said to have fought dozens of battles against all comers during his reign, and only lost two of them. He defended tiny, outsized, outmanned Moldavia against every surrounding power that tried to quash its autonomy or threaten its prosperity: Hungary, Poland, the Mongols, and, most especially, the Ottomans. Stephen was among the first European rulers to take on and defeat the mighty Islamic power of Ottomans after the fall of Constantinople.

The Battle of Vaslui, fought on January 10, 1475, was one of Stephen’s greatest victories and, as one can say, one of the first times after Constantinople that a European Prince managed to run off an Ottoman invasion. The immediate cause was a dispute over neighboring Wallachia, Ottoman Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror thought Wallachia was in good hands under his fuedal, Radu the Handsome (Dracula’s brother, and Stephen’s cousin) and then Basarab Laiotă the Old, and Stephen disagreed. Really, the fight was over the Black Sea coastal region of Bessarabia, and specifically the fortresses of Chilia (modern Kiliya, in Ukraine)–which was at one time Wallachian, then Moldavian, then Hungarian (Transylvanian, technically), then Wallachian again–and Akkerman (modern Bilhorod-Dnistrovskyi, also in Ukraine). Stephen at one point allied with the Ottomans to get Bessarabia back from Wallachia, then turned on the Ottomans when Wallachia became their vassal and Bessarabia thus came under their control. I get a headache trying to persue this stuff.

The region was important, obviously, or else it wouldn’t have been so highly prized. For one thing, there was its commercial value, sitting as it did along the Black Sea coast–Chilia was especially important, because it controlled the point where the Danube River empties into the sea. Strategically, Ottoman control of Bessarabia opened all of Moldavia to their armies, and Moldavia in turn was an ideal staging point for an invasion of Hungary, Poland for the Ottoman Empire. For both offensive and defensive reasons, then, Mehmed wanted Moldavia or at least wanted Bessarabia, so that he always had the option of easily invading Moldavia. We can sum it something similar to Doklam in present day. It can set a stage for further expansion.

Stephen kept trying to put his own candidate in charge of Wallachia. He had an on again, off again alliance with Dracula, or Vlad the Impaler if you like. Dracula had helped Stephen win the Moldavian throne, but they then fell out, over control of Chilia (surprise). But Radu, who converted to Islam and went over to the Ottomans in exchange for their help in toppling Vlad, was unambiguously Stephen’s enemy. Stephen put Basarab Laiotă on the Wallachian throne in Radu’s place twice, in 1473 and again in 1474, but after the second time Laiotă stabbed Stephen in the back and pledged his loyalty to Mehmed. So Stephen invaded Wallachia again in October 1474 and forced Laiotă to flee. Mehmed demanded that Stephen knock it off with the repeated invasions, whereupon Stephen told Mehmed, politely I’m sure, to go suck an egg. So, Mehmed ordered one of his generals, Hadım Suleiman Pasha, who was busy besieging the city of Shkodër (in modern Albania), to complete that siege post haste and then march his men into Moldavia to deal with Stephen. This was a serious mistake; Suleiman Pasha’s men had already been in the field for months, and now they had to make a winter march all the way across the Balkans on this new mission. They would be in no condition to fight once they arrived.

The Ottomans largely outnumbered the Moldavians. Stephen probably had around 30,000 men, but as many as 3/4 of them were poorly armed, poorly trained peasant conscripts. Suleiman Pasha probably had over 110,000 men at his command, but some portion of this was also conscripts, picked up along the way from Shkodër, as well as some 17,000 or so Wallachians, who as we’ll see turned out to be less than reliable. Stephen elected to tax the already struggling Ottoman forces by retreating north and carrying out a scorched earth campaign behind him, forcing them to march even further, without much ability to resupply themselves, before meeting the Moldavian army outside Vaslui, in an area Stephen knew well but Suleiman didn’t know at all.

This was biggest Ottoman mistake. The battlefield Stephen chose was a valley, and on the heights and in the forests around it he stationed archers and artillery to strike the Islamic forces from multiple angles. He used his infantry and light cavalry to lure Suleiman’s men into the trap. When Suleiman committed reserves into the valley in an attempt to relieve the men who were being pounded by all that cannon and arrow fire, Stephen ordered an all-out attack from three sides on the confused muslim force. The invaders broke and ran, and Stephen’s army spent the next couple of days slaughtering them. Somewhat hilariously, only a few returned to Ottoman.

Stephen, who had asked other Christian kingdoms for aid before the battle and was given nothing more than a handful of Polish and Hungarian fighters, now sent another appeal for aid along with some of his Ottoman prisoners to Poland, Hungary, and Rome. Owing to his great victory at Vaslui, this time Stephen’s appeal was met with…pretty much nothing, just like before. Mehmed was furious, as you might imagine, and made vengeance on Stephen his top priority. After Stephen drove off a raid into Moldavia by the Ottomans’ Crimean Tatar vassals, Mehmed sent a 1,50,000 man army north in 1476 that ultimately defeated Stephen (albeit at considerable cost) at the Battle of Valea Albă in July. However, the Ottomans weren’t able to capitalize on their victory, as a combination of disease, Stephen’s harassment, and the arrival of a new army raised by Dracula (who was still contesting rule of Wallachia with Laiotă) forced them to retreat (Vlad then briefly put himself back on the throne of Wallachia, before the Ottomans killed him in December 1476). The Ottomans eventually did capture Chilia and Akkerman in 1484, but Moldavia proper remained out of their hands.

Our Modern day historians of India have studied in much more detailed about all these happenings of Europe, but they carefully avoid mentioning Prince Stephen III. How can they tell us that 1,10,000 mighty Islamic turks were slaughers by some 25-30 thousand semi trained army of an Kingdom Moldavia which hardly anyone has ever heard???

What the CONgress don’t want us to believe, they simply block that out?

Dated : 07.08.2017

Now how many of you know that RSS had taken an active part in the Freedom Movement & Quit India movement? I am sure that many of you including the older generations would not be knowing about the Patriot Role played by RSS. Just read it & you will get the idea why CONgress & the bloody seculars cry at the top of their voice against RSS & why they do not want RSS to grow stronger. 

Happy reading

75 years ago: Contrary to dogma RSS did take part in the freedom movement, including Quit India movement.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi evoked the significance of the month of August in India’s freedom movement in a recent Mann ki Baat – today, for instance, is the 75th anniversary of the launch of the Quit India movement. True to form, Congress and the Left were quick to taunt him about the role of his parent organisation, RSS, in that movement.

This was expected – political discourse and academic writings, comprising mainly history textbooks, have for decades incessantly slandered RSS for its alleged communal and pro-British role during the anti-colonial movement. History, however, suffers distortion whenever the present is used to contextualise the past guided by ideological predisposition. Facts reveal an altogether different reality from Marxist and Nehruvian historians’ narratives on RSS.

RSS cadre strength was assessed as nearly 1,50,000, spread among various age groups across the country, in the Home Department’s 1939-40 report on volunteer organisations. The British government initiated a recruitment drive for the army, ARP and Civic Guards when World War II broke out. The Hindu Mahasabha and many other Hindu organisations – which included Nathuram Godse’s Hindu Rashtra Sena – viewed this as an opportunity to militarily train their cadres for waging war against the British at an opportune time. They fully cooperated in organising camps and acted as recruiting agents.

RSS, however, rejected this outlook outright, a fact that wasn’t ignored by the regime. In June 1939, the Home Department suggested the Central Provinces government use Section 16 of the Criminal Law Amendment Act (XIV of 1908) to ban RSS, by then the strongest outfit in the province. The province’s chief secretary GM Trivedi wrote to the central government on May 22, 1940, that it was not feasible as it would lead to huge protests in the province.

In the 1930s, even the use of softer methods to curb RSS had brought wrath and humiliation upon the government. The Sangh’s decision to participate in the Civil Disobedience Movement erased the government’s delusion that it was a tail of the Hindu Mahasabha. CP & Berar police’s fortnightly report stated that RSS founder Hedgewar’s participation had invigorated the movement. He led thousands of sataygrahis and suffered a year’s rigorous imprisonment.

The Sangh’s anti-British stance now invited suppression by an infuriated government. The Home Department report stated, “Of late, the Sangh has started taking interest in political movements of the country, as a result of which the CP government in their circular letter No 2352-2158 IV; dated 15/16 December 1932, was compelled to issue an order warning government servants of the communal and political nature of the Sangh, and forbidding their becoming members or participating in the organisation’s activities.”

After a two-day discussion on the ideology, organisation and the role of the RSS on March 7-8, 1934, the government was completely isolated and failed to prove RSS involvement in communal activities. House leader Raghvendra Rao failed to answer MS Rahman’s query on any representation by any Muslim individual or organisations against RSS or of any evidence the government had on its communal activities. Rahman and others praised the RSS; the government had to withdraw its circular.

On August 5, 1940 under the Defence of India Rules, the central government promulgated an ordinance prohibiting drills, use of uniforms and exercises. Any idea that this would stymie the Sangh’s mobilisation proved futile. Hundreds of RSS volunteers courted arrest in violation of the order.

RSS participation in the Quit India movement was the proverbial last straw for British rulers. In August that year, in Chimur and Ashti, RSS cadre dominated Congress processions and attacked police stations, with police in these talukas coming forth with the severest repression of the people. Those hanged and awarded life imprisonment were mostly RSS volunteers. The Sangh’s growing integration with the movement created consternation; the government feared an armed coup with RSS and Indian National Army (INA) sharing common sentiments.

British anxiety had good reason. A report warned that RSS volunteers had “infiltrated into various departments of the government such as the army, navy, post & telegraphs, railways and administrative services so that there may be no difficulty in capturing administrative departments when the time comes”. It further stated “the organisation is intensely anti-British and its tone is increasingly becoming militant.”

The noting of Home Department official GA Ahmed, on December 13, 1943, unravels the government’s real intention: “the holding of all camps by any organisation whatever should be prohibited by an order under the Defence of India Rules. This will hit the RSS most, as its main activity is the organisation of camps.” Subsequently, the Sangh’s training camps were raided and literature and arms were seized, besides the arrest of organisers.

RSS participation in Gandhian movements did not annihilate its instinct and ambition to overthrow colonial rule by armed revolution. The Sangh’s weakness is not its absence from the freedom movement, but lack of intellectual rigour among its own academics.

Conversely, communists’ privilege flows not from their participation in any national movement (their treacherous role in the freedom movement is well known), but from a strong contingent of committed academics. We owe it to ourselves not to allow the nation’s history to be circumscribed by ideological dogmas any longer.

Hamid Ansari’s Family background!!!

Prime Minister Modi was blunt when he told the outgoing VP Hamid Ansari that his (narrow) worldview stems from the limitations of his professional career which revolved around West Asian countries as a career diplomat, a stint at the Aligarh Muslim University as its vice chancellor, and his position at National Commission for Minorities as its chairman.
This was Modi’s response to Hamid Ansari’s parting statement that “there is a feeling of unease and a sense of insecurity among Muslims in the country today.”

Modi also didn’t forget to remind Hamid Ansari of his grandfather Mukhtar Ahmad’s association with the Khilafat Movement which was a pan-Islamic campaign launched by Muslims of India to influence the British government to restore the Ottoman Caliphate in Turkey. Modi, however, sugarcoated his statement to make it sound like a praise.

Modi thought that these facts and arguments were enough to slam Hamid Ansari whose statement could now be used by anti-India forces to defame India.

But I think more needs to be told about this Ansari fellow who not only attacks his own country that made him the Vice President but also has consistently refused to salute the national flag.

I think it’s important that I brought out Ansari family’s Muslim League connection at this juncture as it would help you understand why Ansari does what he does.

Hamid Ansari’s grandfather Mukhtar Ahmad Ansari was a leader of the Muslim League in undivided India. He served as Muslim League’s president in 1918 and again in 1920. He, along with Mohammad Ali Jinnah, played an important role in the negotiation of the 1916 Lucknow Pact which sowed the seeds of communal politics in this country. The Lucknow Pact between Indian National Congress and Muslim League paved the way for separate electorates for Muslims and Hindus and one-third representation for Muslims in the central government.

Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari‘s family was from Ghazipur in eastern Uttar Pradesh. In 1896, Mukhtar Ansari moved to Hyderabad where his two brothers were in the service of the Nizam. After his graduation in medical science from Madras Medical College, Mukhtar Ahmad proceeded to England on Nizam’s Scholarship for higher medical education. This also shows Ansari’s close connection with the Nizam who tried to merge his Hyderabad state with Pakistan in 1947.

Today, Indians would find it astonishing but in those days many Muslim Leaguers would simultaneously be a member of Indian National Congress too. This was their way of penetrating Congress and influencing its policies to the advantage of Muslims. Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari was one such Muslim Leaguer who went on to become President of Indian National Congress in 1927 at the Madras session. The same thing is happening today when Islamists have penetrated Congress and other secular parties to further their Islamic agenda.

Hamid Ansari is one such Muslim who as the Vice President of India tried to further his Islamist agenda.

And last but not the least, Hamid Ansari is a cousin of UP Don Mukhtar Ansari who is in jail for murder of BJP MLA Krishnand Rai.

|| इति श्री हामिद अंसारी कथा ||

Why muslims can’t stand criticism odd Islam? 

In the Muslim society, religion is more than just a belief system. It is inextricably embedded in every aspect of their lives. It is the core around which family and society are built. In other words, Islam is intractably intertwined with Muslims’ very sense of THE IDENTITY.

Childhood Islamic indoctrination in family, maqtab and madrasa is commonplace in Islamic society. In adulthood, Friday ‘Khutba’ helps in reiterating all types of religious directives, dos and don’ts about ‘haram-halal’, ‘Sunnah’ of prophet and Islamic politics of the locality, as well as, whole of Islamic world. Imam of local mosque plays a very crucial part in such activities. 

A strong peer pressure also exists in Muslim society to maintain religious conformity, observance and practices. All the above mentioned forces put the Muslim psyche, at individual and collective level, inside an airtight iron box for the life. The ‘Imams’ and ‘Ulema’ also keep a strict vigil on the community to negate any effort of modification or deviation, intentional or accidental, from the laid down path of Islam.

Fear of Allah and ‘Jahannam’, which is ingrained in childhood, not only helps in developing a ‘Master-Slave relationship’ between Allah and Muslims, but also keeps Muslims perpetually anxious about any deviation from the laid down Islamic line. They remain skeptical about people of other religions and suffer from a sense of unreasonable alien-feeling and subtle animosity towards them.

The religion-based conviction of Islam being the only true religion and all other religions to be false, coupled with teaching of scriptural hatred towards non-Muslim, makes Muslims an arrogant and exclusive community. They can never integrate with people of other religions. They suffer from a false sense of ‘superiority complex’. In non-Muslim majority areas, they live like an enclosed community within larger community.

Thus when all the religious beliefs are so deeply ingrained in one’s IDENTITY, a shattered faith almost invariably results in a SHATTERED IDENTITY. This is why Muslims hold into Islam so dearly. This is why any attack on Islam – which is not a personal but simply a set of ideas like any other – is like a personal attack on them. 

So it is natural that when you are putting their beliefs under scrutiny, you are actually prodding at their entire SENSE OF BEING. You are rocking the boat. You are criticizing and satirizing that one thing which they need to cling to in order to keep their lives undisturbed and intact, their families together, and – in some cases – their heads attached to their necks.

In comparison to Muslims, followers of other religions, in general, like Christians, Jews, Hindus, Buddhists and Sikhs etc. are more liberal, secular, easy-going, inclusive, accommodative and with fewer religious scruples.

Does this mean that we should not criticize or satirize Islam? No, quite the opposite – it’s the only way to ‘break the spell’ and we must be up and doing to achieve that. We should not be cowed by the oft repeated and stereotype lame excuse called ‘Islamophobia’.

However, it should not be forgotten that a small proportion but ever increasing group of Muslims escapes from the dogmatic Islam at different stages of life due to a variety of reasons and becomes secular, humble and inclusive in outlook and humanist in practice.

Further there is a steadily growing group of Ex-Muslims across the world. This is not only evident in Western world but also in Africa, South Asia and even in Arab world. In West they have organized into groups also. Some of them are articulating the futility of Islam (and by extension religion) through books, social media and conferences at the cost of threat for their lives. 

[This article has been developed with some inputs from the book “The Atheist Muslim” written by Ali A Rizvi]

When Nehru Government Tried To Omit The Word ‘Jammu’ From ‘Jammu And Kashmir’

By Prof. Hari Om Mahajan

The word “Jammu” would not have found a place in the state’s name – Jammu and Kashmir – if the Nehru government had its way back in the day.

The state of Jammu and Kashmir came into being in March 1846 under the Treaty of Amritsar, signed between the raja of Jammu, Gulab Singh, and the British government. It was established at a time when other princely states were crumbling one after another like a house of cards before an expansionist London. The state’s creation involved the addition of Kashmir to the Dogra Kingdom of Jammu (not the other way around), and the latter remained the capital even after the formation of the state.

Things changed dramatically for Jammu after the state acceded to India in October 1947. The then prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru forced Maharaja Hari Singh to hand over the state to his friend, Sheikh Abdullah of Kashmir. As if this was not enough to hurt the Dogras of Jammu, the Nehru government tried its best to change the name: it wanted ‘State of Kashmir’ instead.

In fact, on 27 May 1949, the minister of Jammu & Kashmir Affairs, Gopalaswami Ayyangar, moved a motion in the Constituent Assembly. The motion read: “Notwithstanding anything contained in paragraph 4 of the Constituent Assembly Rules all the seats in the Assembly allotted to the State of Kashmir may be filled by nomination and the representatives of the State to be chosen to fill such seats may be nominated by the ruler of Kashmir on the advice of his Prime Minister.”

Several objections were raised against this official motion. However, the one aspect which irritated some of the members most was the omission of ‘Jammu’ from the nomenclature of the state. Prominent among those who opposed the motion were Pandit Lakshmi Kanta Maitra from Bengal and Professor K T Shah from Bihar.

Shah possessed first-hand knowledge of the state and its people, as well as the kind of political upheavals it had witnessed since 1931. He remained associated with the affairs of this princely state for 15 years and was its planning adviser for a few years before October 1947. He was also aware of the shape things would take in Jammu and Kashmir in the days to come as he had had a 15-day long interaction with Kashmir-based National Conference (NC) president Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, who had gone all the way from Srinagar to Mumbai to discuss with him his New Kashmir Plan. (The NC adopted the “New Kashmir” programme in September 1944 which demanded that the Treaty of Amritsar, “which was in the nature of sale deed and was thus an insult to the people the State (read Kashmir) must go lock, stock and barrel”. This became the theme of the ‘Quit Kashmir’ movement, which launched in early 1946.)

While Maitra posed one question after another to know “if the word ‘Kashmir’ includes both Jammu and Kashmir”, Shah moved an amendment to the official motion and made an appeal to the Constituent Assembly to ensure that the words “Jammu and” figured before the word “Kashmir wherever it occurs”.

Moving the amendment, Shah said, “…There is some significance in this matter, which makes it more than ever necessary that you (Ayyangar) should not omit the other part (Jammu), and, if one may say so, the first part of the title of that ancient State. By calling it the State of Kashmir only you are perpetrating an error…May I ask…if we have made a mistake in the first instance, if we have been carried away by the importance of one sect (Sunni Muslims) of the State, by the importance of personages (the Sheikh and his colleagues) connected with that part of the State, is that any reason why we should forget the other side and no less important part of the State; and in this formal document continue to perpetuate that mistake and speak only of Kashmir, when we really mean Jammu & Kashmir? It is a fact not denied by the mover that is the correct name of the State”.

Shah also told the Constituent Assembly that the relations between Kashmir and Jammu were not very cordial. To make his point, Shah said, “Those at any rate who remember the campaign of the present Prime Minister (Sheikh Abdullah) of the State in connection with (the 1946) Quit Kashmir movement will realize that in the sequence of events that have happened, it is liable, if you describe it in this manner, to be gravely misunderstood wherever such nomenclature is allowed to be used; and our public records will be disfigured to that extent…The State of Jammu & Kashmir is correctly described as Jammu & Kashmir, so to say, there are two States in one kingdom, just as Scotland and England were two States under the first of the Stuarts. The king was the King James the sixth of England and King James the First of England. There were two crowns worn by one person. In regard to the State of Jammu & Kashmir until about the communal rising in 1931, it was for all practical administrative purposes actually divided into two provinces more or less distinct, though under the same ruler…”

He did not stop here. Shah kept cautioning the Constituent Assembly, saying “the matter of nomenclature is not merely a matter of verbal emendation that it has behind it a significance, a significance, in the sequence of events, not confined only to this House or this country. It has repercussions outside this country…Therefore, we must be careful in every word that we use, so that our expression, our nomenclature, our whole wording is in conformity with the situation and the correct facts”.

In his response to Maitra, Ayyangar said, “Kashmir means Jammu & Kashmir”. He also justified his motion, saying “in the Draft Constitution, the Schedule mentions the State of Kashmir” and “in the list that is attached to the Constituent Assembly Rules, it is already described as Kashmir”. He urged members not to make this an issue and “let this description of the State of Kashmir stand, because if you change it, we will have to change other things which are already in our Statutes and Rules”.

In other words, Ayyangar expressed his unwillingness to insert the words “Jammu and” before Kashmir for reasons better known to him and which failed to carry conviction with Maitra and Shah. This is evident from the questions they raised in response to the lengthy statement of Ayyangar on the name of the state.

Convinced that Ayyangar would not be in a position to convince Maitra and Shah, prime minister Nehru himself took the stage. He defended Ayyangar and said that his stand was “correct”. He said, “I have been connected with Kashmir in many ways, and, in a sense, I belong to Kashmir more particularly than to any part of India. I have been connected with the fight of freedom in Kashmir… And so, if I venture to say anything in this House, I do so with greater authority than Prof. Shah can presume to have on the subject…” After saying so, he made a lengthy statement to counter the arguments of Shah and in praise of Abdullah and his NC and the Quit Kashmir movement. At the same time, he suggested “a small change in the wording of the motion” with a view to “removing” what he called “a slight confusion in the people’s mind”. What he actually suggested was that the “State be described as Kashmir State, and then putting within brackets, the words otherwise known as the State of Kashmir and Jammu”.

It needs to be recalled that the state at no point of time during 1846-1949 was styled as the “State of Kashmir and Jammu”. It was always known as the State of Jammu and Kashmir, with Jammu as its permanent capital. It should also be underlined that the practice of moving the state secretariat from Jammu to Kashmir and back was started during the time of Maharaja Ranbir Singh (1857-1885) for reasons political, the most noteworthy being the British design to cause anti-Maharaja stir in the valley and establish their foothold there and in and around Gilgit to check Russian activities across the border.

Prime minister Nehru’s defence did not work. Nor did it discourage Shah in his efforts to enlist the support of the Constituent Assembly in favour of his amendment. As a result, the deadlock continued. Ultimately, Ayyangar moved an amendment to his motion and suggested that the name of the state be read as the State of Kashmir (otherwise known as the State of Jammu & Kashmir)”. The Constituent Assembly adopted the amended motion. Thus, Jammu, which had ruled over Kashmir for 101 years, found space in the nomenclature of the state, though within brackets. This happened primarily because of the efforts put in by the unyielding Shah, with Maitra extending full support. Had they, like other members of the Constituent Assembly, remained mum or toed the official line, the word ‘Jammu’ would have disappeared from the name of the state.

Secrets are subtext of power. And spies are deadly couriers.

How spy agencies work in our neighbourhood – a 2012 report that appeared in The New Indian Express. What is important is you can find out 1) damage caused by PM I K Gujral 2) rationale for the expulsion of Chinese foreign correspondents etc. A great read. Enjoy !!

“The famous American spymaster, CIA’s Michael J Barrett, called espionage “the world’s second oldest profession and just as honourable as the first”. Sex is one of the popular weapons of spycraft, used extensively in India by Pakistan and to a lesser degree by the CIA. The Russians and the Chinese, according to RAW sources, prefer to entrap Indian diplomats abroad.

A senior RAW operative who held postings in Washington and Beijing speaks about a Pakistani Lothario diplomat in Delhi who had half of the city’s prominent socialites as friends. He was posted as a First Secretary; his espionage skills got him a quick promotion to Counselor. His modus operandi was to use his formidable seduction skills on high society women who had access to the highest levels in the Indian establishment. The male Mata Hari would gather information through his network of sexual conquests; some of them even had parallel romantic relationships with Indian bureaucrats, politicians and even some senior journalists. All Pakistani high commissioners in India entertain lavishly, and the capital’s creme de la creme—journalists, businessmen and social butterflies—is invited. Cultural exchanges between India and Pakistan lead to qawwalis and mushairas; fertile grounds for information harvesting.

“He even kept a little diary that listed his conquests,” says a senior IB operative. “Women were classified according to their vital statistics, temperament and region —Marwari, Punjabi, Bengali or South Indian. He wrote that Bengali women were stubborn while Bihari and Punjabi women were easier to manipulate.”
So, when the IB has such detailed information on a Pakistani spy, why don’t they expel him? Simple. It’s easier to keep an eye on a known spy, as well as on the Indians who are close to him.

According to the IB, the ISI maintains three levels of operatives. At the lowest level are those who are lowly paid and are merely asked to reconnoitre cantonments, police stations and government buildings and report back. The second rung is more trusted; for example, they would be asked to create long term cover stories: like opening a small shop in the vicinity of the cantonment, cultivate locals and soldiers and gather information on officers, and the coming and goings-on in the cantonment.

The third are unique as spies—good looking, physically strong young boys and men. An Indian intelligence officer says that the ISI took a leaf out of the East German spymaster Markus Wolf’s book to create male honeytraps and woo lonely secretaries of influential men in government. They would entrap lonely diplomats (like Madhuri Gupta who was arrested in 2010) or army wives, including those of non-commissioned officers. Indian intelligence was alerted to this operation through telephone intercepts traced to Pakistan. A massive sexual offensive against India is being planned by the ISI, according to Indian intelligence in Kashmir. Around 900-odd women spies are being trained by ISI, to “honeytrap” important Indian establishment figures. Punjab and Kashmir police are keeping a lookout for the Pakistani “honeys” crossing the border.
A RAW official says that Indian intelligence cultivates Pakistani assets as well, but more at home than in Karachi or Islamabad. This is because the ISI keeps all Indians, both visitors and diplomats, on a tight leash. What the Pakistani spy wants in exchange first is sex. That too, they insist on HINDU WOMEN ONLY. 

“Honeytraps are not our style,” says an intelligence officer who has served abroad under diplomatic cover. “But there are enough call girls who are passed off as Hindu women.” Of course, the Pakistani spies are also paid in cash and expensive foreign liquor in exchange for information.

RAW officials say that Pakistani politicians visiting India —usually delegations of MPs—ask for film actresses and starlets as local entertainment. The ISI connects them to upscale pimps, who then are put in touch with visiting Pakistani politicos. “There are travel restrictions on Pakistanis, so the girls are flown into Delhi,” says an IB source. It makes it easier for the IB to keep tabs on them. As well as compromise the politicians and turn them into potential intelligence assets for the RAW.
There are many cases of successful honeytraps in the saga or intelligence and counterintelligence, but few are revealed. Exposure is usually quick and the diplomat is sent home usually on the first available flight. In one case, a Pakistani female agent compromised an Indian naval attache; posted at the Indian mission in Islamabad. At that time, the naval officer’s uncle was a senior bureaucrat attached to the office of the President of India, which made him a prize asset for the Pakistanis. The Pakistanis also knew he had a glad eye, especially for the wives of fellow officers. They entrapped him with a beautiful female ISI agent working with the Pakistani Navy; they would go off to the Pakistani hill station of Murree for trysts. Then one day, she came up with the standard blackmail line that she was pregnant. The ISI then began to put the heat on him, but the naval officer had the good sense to speak to the Indian ambassador who put him on the first flight out of Islamabad. After debriefing and enquiry, he was asked to resign his commission. There is a similar case that happened in Beijing when an Indian diplomat was having two affairs simultaneously—one with his maid and the other with his Chinese linguist—who were both Chinese agents. While forced to choose, he took the linguist out for dinner to tell her it was over. By mistake, the speed dial button of a friend, a senior Indian diplomat posted in Beijing, was pressed. He then taped the whole conversation. The disgrace claimed the ageing Don Juan, who had less than a year to retire. A RAW officer posted in Beijing remembers a similar case when his friend—a young American diplomat posted as a 3rd Secretary in the Cyber Division who was honeytrapped by a gorgeous Chinese girl—approached him for advice. His counsel was that the young man seek help from the US mission. The American did and was flown home immediately.
OLD BOY NETWORK
The reason why Pakistan has been able to cultivate sources among Delhi’s elite is, class. All Pakistani High Commissioners to India have a common social profile—Oxbridge educated, Westernised and immensely rich, they rely on the old boy network with Indians who they went to college and school with; who now occupy high positions. An intelligence official in Delhi, who specialises in Pakistan affairs, says that the ISI targets Delhi’s Punjabi upper class who are fed the cross-border Punjabi Indo-Pak brotherhood. 

Former Prime Minister I K Gujral—no Pakistani agent—was melted enough by the Punjabi brotherhood line to disband the entire RAW network across Pakistan, one that had taken years to build. Intelligence legend says the then RAW chief was ordered to give the names of the assets to Pakistan to earn “goodwill”, which was returned in the form of executions carried out by General Ziauddin of the ISI. Pakistani upper class Indian assets in Delhi are “unknowing conduits” of information, according to senior RAW source. It is a subtle operation that is a combination of confidences shared at private dinners, Urdu poetry sessions and musical evenings and information passed on in the interests of “neighbourly peace”. Gujral’s act was to cause lasting damage to RAW, which in retrospect would’ve been in a better position to handle Pak-sponsored Islamist terror.
RAW’s operations in Pakistan had been very effective during the Khalistan movement. In the mid-1980s, the agency set up the Counter Intelligence Team-X (CIT-X) and Counter Intelligence Team-J (CIT-J)—two highly covert arms to react with violence within Pakistan whenever a Pak-sponsored massacre happened in Punjab. They were so successful that the ISI chief was forced to ask for a meeting with his RAW counterpart to draw up the rules of engagement on Punjab with the then Jordanian Crown Prince Hassan bin-Talal acting as referee. The prince’s wife, Princess Sarvath, is Pakistani and presumably was contacted by the ISI.
“At that time we had an advantage,” says Moloy Dhar, IB counterintelligence expert who was involved in the operations. “The media gave us silent cooperation. It was war. So we did it and finished it.”

Those who are “skittish” about Pakistanis are approached by another route—of other diplomats. According to an IB official, Bangladeshis are perfect candidates. “Many with old East Pakistan memories are still sympathetic towards Pakistan,” he says. “Money changes hands.”
Ranade says there is a ring of mosques along the Indo-Bangladesh border that function as a base for ISI operations. According to a senior MI source, the Bangladesh spy agency DGFI (Directorate General of Forces Intelligence) actively helps in Pakistani infiltration through the eastern border—the terror module that coordinated the 1999 Kandahar hijack was from Bangladesh. According to Indian diplomatic sources, the former Bangladeshi High Commissioner was pro-Pakistan while his deputy has strong pro-India feelings.
“In the pre-Hasina days, the DGFI was hand in glove with Pakistan’s ISI,” says Dhar. “They trained the ULFA, the Nagas, the Manipuris against India. But once Hasina came to power, they were driven out.”

HI-TECH SNOOPING
It’s not just the Bangladeshis that the Chinese use for eliciting third party information. The Chinese bribe cooperative third world diplomats to spy on each other. The role of Chinese journalists with huge expense accounts cultivating contacts in the media and the establishment in Delhi has come under the RAW and IB scanner. Indians who have similar ideological sympathies help them: those who study or teach in certain universities or belong to left-leaning political parties. Many of them are offered “free trips” to China where all tabs, including shopping, are picked up. “Indian missions overseas do it too,” says a retired diplomat. “We offer the India experience.” But there is a difference. “The Chinese follow up and seek a quid pro quo in the relevant fields,” says Ranade.

The Chinese are also good at cultivating sources in government. A classic case is Huawei Technologies, the Bangalore-based Chinese corporation that was blacklisted from entering the telecom sector after a CIA tipoff on its Taliban connection. Government sources say Huawei flouted all regulations, but “was in business before we were even aware of it”. The company’s modus operandi was to recruit  former GMs and retired senior officers of MTNL and BSNL on huge salaries, and thus use their government connections to its benefit. In one case, a serving MTNL official—due to retire in two years—was contacted and offered a job at a huge salary. “Hook him before he retires is Huawei’s policy,” says an intelligence analyst.

The IB says that when it comes to hacking, the Chinese rule. When the PMO computers were hacked into in 2010, the hackers chose ONLY  those machines belonging to officials like the JS (Pak), JS (China) and JS (US).
HANDOUT ESPIONAGE
Unlike the Chinese, the CIA has been operating in India for decades, even before it helped the Indian government set up RAW after the 1962 Indo-China War. Honeytraps have been frequently used, but today the CIA’s main lure is money, jobs and scholarships for the children of powerful bureaucrats and politicians to study abroad. “Many journalists and babus are partial to the United States,” says an intelligence officer. “Everyone’s kids want to go to the US to study. The Americans help them with visas and funds depending on how useful they are.”

The RAW and IB are keeping a watch on a “couple of senior persons,” on whom “there are strong suspicions”. When a kid whose school record has been indifferent suddenly gets into a good American school, “light bulbs go on”. The CIA is sometimes loyal to its top Indian agents: Rabinder Singh, a former RAW operative who disappeared after coming under suspicion of being a CIA agent was helped by the Americans to flee the country, according to RAW officials. They supposedly helped Singh generously when he had a near-fatal car accident in Syria. When Singh was exposed, RAW sources say the CIA supplied him a false passport and spirited him away through Nepal.
IN THEIR DEFENCE
Unlike the Pakistanis and the CIA, the Russians use honeytraps only to get information on defence deals—Commodore Sukhvinder Singh is a case in point. “The Russians are lying low,” says Dhar. “Americans no longer see India as an enemy. The need to use honeytraps like before has become much less.”

The Mossad is aggressive when it comes to garnering defence information; according to MI sources, there are many Indo-US deals that happen under the radar. Mossad targets Indian security and defence officials using friendly arms dealers in Delhi. The incentive is not women—but money, booze and foreign trips. The Mossad’s other focus is on anti-Pak operations. According to a senior IB operative, India’s small town Muslim ghettos—“We have to liberate the other nation in Hindustan,” a slogan coined by former Pak intel chief Hamid Gul—are ideal hiding places for Pakistani agents acting in concert with local terror modules. The Mossad uses its sabbath houses in India to keep tabs on suspected terrorists. Young Israeli decommissioned soldiers visiting India also help the Mossad. Even during India’s Socialist pro-Arab days, the RAW maintained a covert relationship with the Mossad, mainly to gain from Israel’s West Asia and North Africa information as well as learning counterterrorism techniques, says an intelligence officer.
With so many foreign agencies operating on Indian soil, it’s not as if the IB and RAW are quiet. Indian intelligence has infiltrated not just the jihadi support groups operating in Kashmir and Bengal, but also has a strong presence in Nepal. An MI operative in Kashmir speaks of infiltrating Kashmiri mosques to identify hate speakers. “Since I’m tall and fair and look like a Kashmiri, I blended well in the mosque wearing a phiran and offering namaz. But had I opened my mouth, I would’ve been dead, exposed as a non-Kashmiri. I would pretend to be dumb.” Some were not so lucky. A retired spymaster remembers how he sent an operative into Pakistan who spent the night in a sarai along the border. “Something he did gave him away and he was picked up after prayer,” he says. “After many years, we heard he had been thrown into jail and kept there.” The world of intelligence has its comic interludes too: the turf wars between various arms are a block to information cooperation, especially along the border. “Sometimes the MI, IB and the RAW use the same agent without knowing he works for the others,” says an old Pakistan desk hand. “He coolly collects money from all three for the same bit of info.”
Money makes the intelligence world go around. Many Indian NGOs are funded by various intelligence agencies, including the ISI and the CIA. Every year an international conference of NGOs takes place in Geneva on South Asian issues. It’s open season. “The Indian government funds its own NGOs to counter anti-India propaganda,” says a retired RAW operative. “We also identify who works for who.”
According to South Asia military intelligence expert Colonel R Hariharan, “Intelligence agencies use three major human weaknesses—wine, women, and money power—to make those with access to secrets part with information.”
Secrets are the subtext of power. And spies the deadly couriers.”

What history has kept hidden about the life and death of Fatima Jinnah!!!

Unfortunately, as a nation we have grown accustomed to romanticizing and distorting history so that it suits our ideological aspirations. This tendency has not been without consequences on the rest of society and the reputation of certain historical icons.

Fatima Jinnah is one of the central and most inspiring characters in the story of Pakistan’s birth. Seen as the natural successor of her brother, she was loved and revered by the masses. She had been Jinnah’s guardian and political companion during the Pakistan Movement and was a passionate political worker, a determined women’s rights activist and a qualified dental surgeon, both before and after her brother’s death.

She contested the 1964 general elections at the age of 71 against the military dictator, General Ayub Khan.

But despite being the sister of the Quaid and holding a significant political position, her life largely remained mysterious and was riddled with many intriguing and controversial episodes. Despite being the national heroine, her life has always been speculated about rather than researched.

After the achievement of separate a state, Miss Jinnah, now a Pakistani, had to deal with a series of disappointments, disillusionment and eventual isolation.There were forces against her and they ensured that her voice was suppressed through various means.

Miss Jinnah was also accused of being an Indian and American agent by the Military dictator Ayub Khan.

Qudratullah Shahab writes in his book Shahabnama: 

After Quaid-e-Azam’s demise, rulers of the time did not give the deserved respect and status to Miss Fatima Jinnah. Two death anniversaries of the Quaid had passed, but Fatima Jinnah would not address the nation only because the administration would ask for her speech to be reviewed before broadcasting. This she never accepted. The rulers were afraid she would criticise the government or say things which shouldn’t be said.

Finally, in 1951, when the administration agreed to her demand, she went on air. It was Mr. Jinnah’s third death anniversary. During the speech, at one point, the transmission was stopped for some time. It then resumed after a while. It was later known that the parts of her speech in which she was criticising the government were censored and she did not get to know this during her speech.

Renowned lawyer, Sharifuddin Pirzada (who was a secretary to Jinnah), had once said that when Miss Jinnah appeared on Radio Pakistan to announce her brother’s death, the state-owned radio channel’s director-general, Z A. Bokhari was pressurized by government official to switch off Miss Jinnah’s speech the moment she began criticizing the government’s insensitive attitude towards the founder of the country and how he was left to die in an old ambulance.

In the book Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah: Speeches, Messages and Statements (1947-67), compiled by Jamil Ahmed, there are letters exchanged between Z.A. Bukhari and Ms Jinnah.

The book supports the argument that Miss Jinnah was deliberately censored for political reasons.

Z.A. Bukhari later wrote an apology letter to Miss Jinnah, to which the latter gave a sharp response:

On the 11th of September, you had requested the copy of the broadcast which was duly sent to you at 7:00pm. At 8:00pm you had called on me at my residence in a stressful condition. With sad expressions, you had requested that I omit certain parts of my speech. To which I had replied, sans any emotional aspiration, that if one does not enjoy the freedom of expression in a democratic country, I would like to withdraw my speech instead of changing it, as it was on your request that I had agreed for the speech in the first place.

As usual, you asked me to listen to the recorded speech after the broadcast, which sounded perfect. It is astonishing that neither you, nor anyone from your staff even mentioned the technical problem in the transmitters at that time. I came to know about the technical problems while I was on my way to my residence. It is also a matter of wonderment for me that the very sentences that you requested to omit from the speech were the ones which could not be broadcast due to the technical problem.

It seems your transmitters are very obedient and submissive as they are always ready to create technical problems in order to facilitate you.

The people who tried to create problems in my original speech, and stopped my voice from reaching the people, and tried to omit certain sentences of my speech, have in fact highlighted the importance (of these sentences) to the people. You mentioned in your letter that your regional stations reported about the flow of my speech. Had it been so, you would not have taken the trouble to apologise.

As far as complaints by the people are concerned, it is your duty to satisfy them. Your explanation is neither satisfying, nor assuring. In such a case, an apology is merely a soft version of pleading guilty and admitting to one’s crime.

The next day, newspapers were full of condemnations and criticism directed at the broadcaster. Although the Radio Pakistan administration maintained that the pauses in the transmission were due to specifically power outages, no one believed them. But everyone assumed that Miss Jinnah was deliberately censored from saying the things she wanted to bring attention to.

According to Miss Jinnah, Quaid faced his first surprise after his famous Aug 11 address to Pakistan’s Constituent Assembly (in which he had spelled out his vision of Pakistan being secular Muslim-majority state), the bureaucracy of the time (pressurized by Muslim League’s leading members), asked the country’s print media and radio to only publish and broadcast a fabricated version of Quaid’s speech.

One of the most authentic accounts of her disappointments is recorded in the book that she wrote in 1955 (My Brother), which was only published 32 years later, in 1987. It is believed that this was due to pressure from the establishment but some evidence suggests that Miss Jinnah herself hesitated to publish it.

But at the time of its publication Mr Sharif-ul-Mujahid of the Quaid-i-Azam Academy deleted some of the pages from the book. “Those pages were against the ideology of Pakistan and I had to take care of it,” he said, under the apparent assumption that Fatima Jinnah was not aware of the ideology of the country she had struggled for.

But luckily those pages were published in Qudratullah Shahab’s Shahabnama:

These were the passages which according to Sharif-ul-Mujahid violated the ‘Ideology of Pakistan’.

According to Miss Jinnah’s book, the Quaid began to lose his health more rapidly after 1947. She believed this was because he felt betrayed by some of his closest comrades.

Miss Jinnah expressed her bitterness towards Pakistan’s first prime minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, who was perhaps Jinnah’s closest colleague in the Muslim League.

She wrote that her brother had revealed to her that many of his former colleagues were coming to meet him only to determine when he would die.

Fatima Jinnah died in Karachi on 9th July 1967. The official cause of her death was reported as heart failure, but evidence and accounts suggest she was murdered at her house. It is claimed that some officials of the Karachi police had found her beheaded in her drawing room.

Fatima Jinnah was seen in sound health at a wedding ceremony she attended on July 7, 1967. However, on July 9, it was suddenly announced that she had passed away. No common man was allowed to go near her dead body during her funeral. No one was even allowed to see her face for the last time before she was buried. Those who tried to do so, were baton-charged and dealt with tear gas.

Some people reported that there were visible marks of wounds on the body of the mother of the Nation.

The establishment also made serious efforts to oppose Ms Jinnah’s will – in which she asked to be buried next to her brother. There were serious efforts to bury her instead in the Mewashah Graveyard of Karachi.

Agha Ashraf in his book Maadar-e-Millat Fatima Jinnah writes:

Miss Fatima Jinnah had expressed it while she was alive that after her death she be buried next to her brother. Now the problem was where to bury her, since according to Mr Abul Hassan Isfahani sahib, the government did not want bury her next to Mr Jinnah (M. A. H Isfahani’s interview, January 14, 1976). The government had to face tough opposition over the idea. Commissioner, Karachi was intimated that if Fatima Jinnah was not laid to rest next to the Quaid-e-Azam there will be unrest.

Ashraf further writes:

The Maadar-e-Millat was to be buried 120 feet on the left to the Quaid-e-Azam’s grave. It was to be a 6 foot deep, 3 feet wide grave. The surface was rocky, and so the gravediggers had to work for 12 hours straight to get the job done. Led by 60-year-old Abdul Ghani, a team of 20 gravediggers was working on Fatima Jinnah’s grave. Ghani had previously dug graves for Quaid-e-Azam, Liaquat Ali Khan and Sardar Abdul Rab Nishtar.

It was noon. The number of people now had increased to more than 600,000. The government had announced a public holiday, so more and more people were joining the procession in Karachi. Unrest in such a huge crowd seemed inevitable.

Suddenly, some people tried to come closer to the dead body. The police tried its best to handle the situation peacefully. However, there was a little ruckus. Soon after, baton charge began, followed by tear gas shelling and with people hurling stones at the police. A man died, while hundreds were injured in the episode. By 12:55pm, the burial had ended.”

Akhtar Balouch in his article for Dawn Urdu writes:

In January 1972, a man named Ghulam Sarwar also petitioned a court regarding the matter. A news story on the application said that Additional City Magistrate Mumtaz Muhammad Baig had set January 17 as hearing date of an application by Ghulam Sarwar under section 176 of the Criminal Procedures.

According to the news report, Ghulam Sarwar Malik had written in his application that he was a respectable citizen of Pakistan and had utmost respect for Ms Fatima Jinnah. She was a great leader and an asset for the nation. She dedicated her life to democracy and upholding the law. In 1964, when she contested elections against Ayub Khan, she became a beacon of hope for the people of the country. She was a hurdle in the way of the group that wanted to remain in power. This particular group wanted to get rid of her by all means.

Malik Ghulam Sarwar said further that he had concerns that Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah was murdered. Later, Hassan A. Shaikh and other respected individuals, too, expressed similar concerns. The matter has also been highlighted in newspapers. Some even wrote editorials on it.”

Even Jinnah’s nephew Akber Pirbhai, insist that she was murdered.

This was the sad tale of this forgotten Queen. Miss Jinnah was a Great Lady who was forced into Political and social isolation by the establishment. And the intriguing accounts of her life are extremely shocking and sad. What happened to her didn’t stop there, this insensitive treatment has always been there in Pakistan, many great minds were either forced to leave or were assassinated.

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